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School Cricket in Bangladesh: The Real Pathway

Written and checked by CricketTakenPublished Cricket in Bangladesh9 min read

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If you want to understand how Bangladesh produces cricketers, the first thing to accept is that schools are not the main route. In England the school and club system does the identifying; in Australia the junior club and grade structure does; in Bangladesh the schools mostly do not, and the work is done instead by private clubs, a single government residential institute, and a divisional age-group programme run by the board.

This is not an oversight so much as an artefact of scale. Bangladesh has one of the highest population densities on earth and a school system stretched by numbers. Very few schools have a playing field of cricket dimensions, fewer have a turf square, and almost none have a paid coach. What the country has instead is an enormous amount of informal cricket — on rooftops, on riverbanks, in the gaps between buildings, on any patch of dried-out ground between November and March — and a set of institutions that go looking for the boys who stand out in it.

Where a Bangladeshi child actually starts

The entry point is one of three things.

The first is a local club. District and metropolitan clubs run junior sides and take promising players on, and this is the most common route in practice: a boy plays for a neighbourhood side, is noticed by somebody attached to a district club, and starts training there. The club system's history and structure are set out in the guide to club cricket in Bangladesh.

The second is a coaching academy. Private academies have proliferated in Dhaka, Chattogram and the divisional towns over the past twenty years, charging fees for coaching sessions in nets. Quality varies enormously and there is no meaningful accreditation, which means a family's money can buy access without buying competence.

The third, and the only one that is both free and systematic, is selection into the national sports institute.

BKSP at Savar

Bangladesh Krira Shikkha Protishtan — the Bangladesh Institute of Sports Education, universally called BKSP — is a government-funded autonomous residential institute at Savar, some twenty-eight kilometres north-west of Dhaka. It was established in 1986 and covers seventeen sports, of which cricket is the most prominent.

The model is simple and, for Bangladesh, unusual. Students sit entrance tests. Those who pass live on campus, are educated from secondary level upwards, and train full-time alongside their schooling, with food, medical care and equipment provided. Tuition is scaled to family income, which is the single most important feature of the arrangement: it means a genuinely talented boy from a poor family in a district town can get a decade of professional coaching without his parents finding the money.

The output justifies the institution. Shakib Al Hasan, Mushfiqur Rahim, Litton Das and Mominul Haque all came through BKSP, which is to say that the country's leading Test run-scorer, its best all-rounder, its best wicketkeeper-batter by average and one of its longest-serving Test captains are all products of one campus.

BKSP is also a competitive side rather than merely a school. Its cricket team entered the Dhaka Premier Division in 2018-19, playing List A and Twenty20 cricket against the established clubs, and its grounds have staged senior domestic matches since 2000.

The limitation is obvious and has been stated by everyone who has ever run it: it is one institute, with a fixed intake, near Dhaka, in a country of well over 160 million people. The concentration of facilities around the capital is examined in the guide to cricket in Dhaka.

The age-group ladder

Above the clubs and BKSP sits the board's age-group programme, organised on the same divisional lines as the senior first-class competition described in the guide to the National Cricket League.

A player who is doing well at club or institute level is selected for a divisional age-group side, plays a national tournament against the other divisions, and is picked from there into a national age-group squad. The stages run upwards through the mid-teens to under-19, which is the level that matters because it feeds the Under-19 World Cup and, from there, the senior set-up.

The system's strength is that it exists everywhere: every division fields sides, so a boy in Rangpur or Barishal has a route in principle. Its weakness is that the divisions are wildly unequal in resources, and the pattern is the same one visible in the senior game — a division with several contracted professionals and decent facilities produces more players than one without, as the guide to cricket in Khulna illustrates from the senior end.

Age verification is a recurring difficulty in age-group cricket across the subcontinent, and Bangladesh has not been exempt. The board has used bone-density testing and documentary checks; the problem is not solved anywhere and it distorts selection wherever it persists.

Under-19, and the 2020 exception

Bangladesh's Under-19 record was undistinguished for two decades. From the late 1990s through 2014 the side went out at the group stage of every Under-19 World Cup, finishing between ninth and eleventh. Then came a semi-final in 2016, a quarter-final in 2018, and on 9 February 2020 the title itself: a three-wicket win over India, on Duckworth-Lewis-Stern terms, at Potchefstroom.

That remains the only global trophy Bangladesh holds at any level. It is dealt with in full in the guide to the 2020 Under-19 World Cup title, and two features of it belong here.

The first is that the squad had four genuine seam bowlers, which no previous Bangladesh side at any level had been able to select. That reflects a change in what the pathway was looking for, traced in the guide to Bangladesh's fast bowling growth.

The second is the conversion rate. Shoriful Islam, Towhid Hridoy, Tanzid Hasan, Mahmudul Hasan Joy, Parvez Hossain Emon, Rakibul Hasan, Shamim Hossain, Tanzim Hasan Sakib, Shahadat Hossain and Mrittunjoy Chowdhury all went on to senior international cricket. A single age-group squad supplying ten internationals is not the historical Bangladeshi pattern, and it happened partly because the board — for once — promoted the group early and kept faith with it.

The caution is that the result has not been repeated. Bangladesh's title defence in 2022 ended in the quarter-finals, and the head coach who built the 2020 side, Naveed Nawaz, left and was later reappointed, which suggests the board itself reads the success as coach-dependent rather than structural.

The club step, and why it decides careers

Between age-group cricket and the national side sits the step that actually determines who gets picked: the Dhaka club competition.

A teenager who has done well in divisional age-group cricket needs a Dhaka club contract, because that is where the List A cricket is, where the selectors watch, and where a young player faces current internationals. Getting one generally requires being in Dhaka, having somebody at the club who knows about you, and being available for a full season. For a family in a district town that means either relocation or a boarding arrangement, and it is the point at which the pathway becomes a financial question rather than a cricketing one.

The girls' pathway

Everything above describes the boys' route, and the girls' route is younger, thinner and differently shaped.

There is no equivalent volume of informal cricket for girls, which removes the wide base the boys' system rests on. The clubs that run junior sides have historically run boys' sides. BKSP has a girls' hostel and takes female students across its sports, which makes it the one institution offering the same residential model to both, but the intake is small.

What the women's game has instead is a compressed pathway: divisional women's teams, a national women's competition, and selection into age-group and senior national squads from a pool small enough that a good season is noticed immediately. That has the perverse advantage of speed — a talented player can go from district cricket to an international debut in two or three years, which almost never happens on the men's side — and the obvious disadvantage that the pool is too small to absorb injuries or loss of form.

The results have not been negligible. Bangladesh's women won the Twenty20 Asia Cup in 2018, which is one more senior continental title than the men have managed. The structure behind that is set out in the guide to women's domestic cricket in Bangladesh.

What it costs

There is no single figure, and anybody who quotes one is guessing. But the cost structure is clear enough to describe.

Equipment is the first barrier. A bat, pads, gloves, a helmet and shoes represent a substantial outlay in Bangladeshi terms, and most young players share or inherit gear for years. Academy fees are the second, and they are the reason private coaching skews towards families with money. Travel and accommodation are the third, and the largest: a boy who needs to be in Dhaka for club cricket needs somewhere to live in Dhaka.

BKSP is the mechanism that removes all three for the students it takes, which is why competition for its places is intense and why its influence on the national side is out of proportion to its size. The institutional politics of how those resources are allocated sit in the guide to BCB structure.

The odds, and where the system loses people

Be blunt about the arithmetic. Bangladesh contracts a few dozen senior international cricketers and a few hundred professional domestic ones. The population is above 160 million and cricket is the national sport. The probability that any particular talented fifteen-year-old becomes a Test player is negligible, and the probability that he makes a living from domestic cricket is small.

The system loses people at three identifiable points.

The first is at around thirteen or fourteen, when informal cricket has to become organised cricket and a boy either finds a club with an age-group side or stops playing competitively.

The second is at the Dhaka step, where geography and money decide.

The third is at the transition to four-day cricket. The club competition is a fifty-over tournament on flat surfaces; the Test side needs batters who can occupy a crease for four hours against a moving ball. Players who thrive at the first and cannot manage the second fall out in their early twenties, which is the recurring problem discussed in the surveys of Bangladesh's great opening batters and wicketkeepers.

What would need to change

Three things, in order of likely impact.

More residential institutes of the BKSP type, sited outside Dhaka, would do more than anything else, because the model is proven and the constraint on it is purely capacity.

More four-day cricket at age-group and second-XI level would address the specific technical gap the senior side keeps running into.

And a genuine school competition — a national tournament with turf pitches and paid coaches — would widen the base, though it is the most expensive of the three and the least likely to be funded.

None of this is a criticism of what exists. A country that had no first-class cricket in 1972 now supplies Test players from a residential institute, a divisional age-group system and a professional club league, which is a considerable amount of construction in fifty years. The rest of that story sits on the cricket in Bangladesh hub, and the career of the pathway's most successful graduate in the Shakib Al Hasan profile.

Sources and method

This page draws on published material about Bangladesh Krira Shikkha Protishtan — its founding, location, sports programmes, admission and fee arrangements, and its entry into List A cricket in 2018-19 — together with Bangladesh Cricket Board information on the divisional age-group structure and published Under-19 World Cup records including the 2020 final. The list of 2020 squad members who went on to senior international cricket is taken from their recorded international debuts. Costs are described qualitatively because no reliable published figures exist for equipment, academy fees or relocation, and no numbers are asserted. Statements about where the system loses players are analytical judgements drawn from the pattern of careers described, not computed from any dataset of ours.